Saturday, January 25, 2020

Comparative Study Of The Electoral Systems Politics Essay

Comparative Study Of The Electoral Systems Politics Essay A democracy cannot exist without elections which represent the will of the people, and elections cannot function without an electoral system that sets fair and transparent rules that govern the structures of elections. The study of electoral systems is a field of research that aims at analyzing the different electoral systems used in the world and how they put democracy into practice by making the different voters of the country represented in the parliament. A voting system can simply be defined as the procedures by which we cast votes and elect our public officials,  [1]  or that part of the electoral law and regulations which determine how parties and candidates are elected to a body as representative.  [2]  However, the importance of the electoral system lies in its consequences on the political scene of the country especially when choosing one type of electoral system over another, because electoral systems are, according to Sartori, the most speci ¬Ã‚ c manipulative instrument of politics.  [3]   In general there are twelve electoral systems that fall under three categories: majority, proportional representation and mixed systems. First, the voting systems that fall under the majority system are: first past the post, block vote, party block vote, alternative vote, and the two round systems. Second, under the proportional representation lie two systems: list proportional representation (List PR) and single transferable vote (STV). Third, the mixed system includes two systems: mixed member proportional and parallel systems. Finally, three other voting systems cannot be classified into one of the three systems mentioned above, there are: single non-transferable vote (SNTV), limited vote and borda count.  [4]  The main concern [of electoral systems] is [the] balance between decisiveness of government and representation of various minority views.  [5]  And sometimes, if not always, governments have to choose either one of these because of the difficulty of encompassing bot h those strong government and full representation in one type of electoral system. Regarding my thesis the two electoral systems that are important for my study are: list PR which is used in both Morocco and Algeria and SNTV which is used in Jordan. According to Samuel Huntington, the world has experienced three waves of democracy, the first one on the eve of the twentieth century until 1926; the second one emerged with the end of World War II until 1962 and the third one started in 1974.  [6]  The region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) seems to be one of the few areas of the world where democratic waves did not arrive, or to be more accurate did not flourish, as there are few countries who are ranked by the Democracy Index of the Economist as either hybrid systems and many as authoritarian regimes. In the MENA region, few countries hold free and fair elections, among them are Morocco where proportional representation is used to elect the members of the parliament, Jordan, where the Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV) system is used and Algeria where proportional representation is used in parliamentary elections. However, in all these three countries the elections were characterized by low turnouts, invalid votes and boycott in addition to producing fragmented governments. The choice of those three MENA countries has to do with their similarities in terms of geography, culture, religion, language and their relative free and fair elections, according to international observers. On top of that, Having two kingdoms and one republic makes my comparison more interesting with Morocco at the focal point sharing similarity with Jordan in terms of the regime type and with Algeria in terms of the voting system. The objective of my thesis is to test two hypotheses: a) electoral systems in the MENA region are manipulated to produce fragmented governments and b) the geographical concentration of the vote for pro-regime parties in rural areas in contrast to the opposition base in urban areas. My thesis will compare the components of the electoral systems of the three countries and come up with patterns regarding the political party structure, the electoral reforms requested by the political parties and the elections results. Literature Review According to Andreas Schedler in his article The Nested Game of Democratization by Elections, electoral law can be used to prevent an eventual loss of votes from translating into a loss of power.  [7]  The major aim of the manipulation of the electoral system is the containment of its uncertain outcomes, therefore fair and free elections are allowed as long as the results can be predicted or controlled. In his book Rethinking Arab democratization: Elections without Democracy, Larbi Sadiki invented the terms electoral fetishism  [8]  and routinization  [9]  to describe the elections in the Middle East because their outcomes do not translate into major changes in society. However, even the manipulation of the voting system is not enough to guarantee an unsurprising outcome from the ballots as exemplified by the elections of 1991 in Algeria and 1989 in Jordan. The two cases of Algeria and Jordan show the autonomy of institutions exemplified by the electoral system that produ ces results that can either empower or weaken the candidates. So if the election results cannot be controlled they can at least be maneuvered to prevent a landslide victory of the opposition. Refraining from cancelling the result of elections is explained by the need of the regimes to obtain foreign aid and avoid international criticism. According to the author electoralism, being the creation of regimes, has become another state resource that the ruling elites use for legitimation purposes within and without.  [10]  The term electoralism refers here only to one of the three requirement of democracy; therefore having election is not enough for democracy to emerge. Therefore, the election`s main goal is to legitimate the regime and provide a way for the opposition to participate in the political life of the country but of course after guaranteeing its fragmentation. Moreover, According to Lise storm, a democracy is based on three core elements: holding free and fair elections, re specting civil liberties and strengthening the power of the elected government to govern. The aim of my study deals with the first core of the democratic principles, the free and fair elections which are instituted by the electoral law. Lise Storm stated that a country that provides for one of the three principles can still be deemed to be a democratic country, however if none of the principles is available then the country is authoritarian. Concerning the literature on the comparison of electoral systems in MENA, Ellen Lust-Okar and Amaney Ahmad Jamal analyzed the electoral systems in MENA, in their article Rulers and Rules: Reassessing the Influence of Regime Type on Electoral Law Formation. by differentiating between monarchies that prefer PR system in order to balance the strength of parties and republics that opted for plurality system in order to prevent the opposition from being elected. I will add the regime typology and election mode to make a pattern on the MENA that monarchies prefer proportional system while republics passed laws to enable the pro-regime parties to win a landslide victory. The article`s findings do not explain the use of PR in Morocco with more laws being passed to raise the threshold that will hinder small parties or the Jordanian change from a proportional system of plurality (bloc vote) to SNTV, which means one man one vote, which is supposed to reduce gerrymandering but did not. Many authors used the new institutionalism framework to analyze electoral systems. The theory is advanced by J. G. March and J. P. Olsen in their article The New Institutionalism: Organized Factors in Political Life. The theory is used in the field social science such as sociology and political science to account for the crucial rules of institutions in influencing the behavior of individuals based on norms, prohibitions or simply because an alternative does not exist. The basic aim of the theory is to prove that the organization of political life makes a difference,  [11]  which entails that those institutions are endogenous entities that benefit from an autonomy to exert its influence on individuals either by empowering them or confining their power. The institutions can be reinforced by third parties to exert actions that protect their interest without being in power. Andreas Shedler applied the theory of new institutionalism on the authoritarian regimes so that instead of ruling with coercive and undemocratic means; authoritarian rulers can use institutions to survive. The new institutionalism can be observed in four major ways: imperatives, landscape, containment, ambivalence. Regarding my study I will focus on the containment area regarding the electoral system and political parties. According to Shedler the electoral system can be manipulated by disempowerment or excluding sensitive areas from the hands of the elected officials; supply restriction which limits the choice available to the voter by banning, subverting or fragmenting certain parties; demand restriction by restricting the opposition access to the media; suffrage restriction by controlling the voting age ; preference distortion through the use of both violence such as intimidation and money such as vote buying; and vote distortion and rigging under the supervision of biased institu tions.  [12]  Regarding the legislative the manipulation includes disempowerment, agent control by directly appointing members of legislature and fragmentation.  [13]   My study will include the categorization made by the author and apply them to the three countries. The theory of new institutionalism will be useful to analyzing the electoral system in all the three countries and how the system influences the behavior of both the voters and candidates. The electoral system and constitution are institutions that have an immense influence on individuals. Who decides the winner from the loser in elections is not the regime nor the elections but rather the electoral system which has autonomy but it still can be manipulated. In the case of Morocco, George Joffe, in his article Moroccos Reform Process: Wider Implications, argued that the aims of the political reforms introduced by the regime were not due to external pressure or the triumph of the opposition to insert them, but rather to ensure the survival of the dynastic rule of the ruling family. As a result, the multiparty political system was adopted since the first constitution of 1962 to induce the political fragmentation in the country culminating in the hegemony of the palace over the political process of the country. Another interesting view of the Moroccan electoral system is by Andrew Barwig who argued, in his article How Electoral Rules Matter: Voter Turnout in Moroccos 2007 Parliamentary Elections, that the lower voter turnout in the election of 2007 was not only due to sociological factors but also to the electoral system as it produced an artificial and highly fragmented political landscape regardless of who wins the largest share of the na tional vote.  [14]  He pointed also to the aim of a multiparty system for the regime to divide and rule by preventing the emergence of a strong opposition, in addition to the role of the Ministry of Interior in controlling the electoral process since 1958 instead of assigning it to an independent commission. Third, John Grumm, the author of the article Theories of Electoral Systems, stated that the electoral system used in Morocco prevents a landslide victory of any party. The author indentified that the combination of largest remainder formula and gerrymandering induced a fragmented government and a situation whereby parties ended up with fewer seats compared to their amassed votes especially the major parties, In the case of Jordan, Glenn E. Robinson stated, in his article Can Islamists Be Democrats? The Case of Jordan, that the fear of the opposition, mainly the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, had motivated the king to have an electoral system that favors tribal affiliation rather than partisan one. Moreover, the same scholar in another article Defensive Democratization in Jordan, affirmed that the new electoral system adopted in 1993 benefited the tribal areas, mainly Eastern and Southern Jordan at the expense of urban areas, mainly the region of Amman-Zarqa which is Palestinian-dominanted. The authors conclusion is that electoral systems can be managed and controlled to prevent undesirable outcomes. In the case of Algeria, Ayln Guney and Aslihan Celenk, in their article The European Unions Democracy Promotion Policies in Algeria: Success or Failure?, stated that the Algerian regime passed a new electoral system before the election of 1991 by increasing the number of seats and districts in rural areas. The basic aim of the changes was to allow the pro-regime party, FLN, to win the elections but ironically the electoral system benefited the Islamist party of FIS instead. Mohand Salah Tahi, in his article Algerias legislative and local elections: Democracy denied (1997), indentified the Algerian military as the institution in control of the political life exemplified by the creation of parties such as RND and introducing changes to the constitution and electoral system that would not challenge its authority. For instance, to pass an amendment to the constitution the opposition needs the vote of three quarters of the upper house, in which one third directly appointed by the preside nt. These laws exemplify the fear of the regime from creating the same outcome of 1991, therefore passing some amendments both to the electoral system and the constitution allowed the regime to be in a position to control and manage the outcomes of elections without the need to annul them. What emerges from the literature review concerns the criteria that define the fairness and freedom of election, having international observers and abiding by the electoral law make is it apparent that the elections are transparent but what if the issues that undermine the fairness of the elections relate to the electoral system itself. The literature reviewed above shows that Jordan and Algeria introduced two electoral systems in the early 1990s believing that they would be suitable for making the pro- regime party the obvious winner in the case of Algeria and tribal candidates in the case of Jordan. However, the outcome of the elections persuaded the two countries to adopt different electoral system: PR in Algeria and SNTV in Jordan. Regarding the case of Morocco the shift from Plurality into PR in 1997 did not produce surprising results therefore the electoral system was kept. So the question here is why did three countries diverge in terms of the electoral system used, especially regarding Jordan and Morocco? There is huge body of literature written about electoral systems arguing about the list PR as the most propositional system in terms of allowing smaller parties to be represented in the parliament, the high turnout due to the absence of the wasted vote phenomena in contrast to the plurality system, more representation for women and a higher proportionality between seats and votes. However, from the elections results in both Morocco and Algeria the PR did not produce the same results expected of the system exemplified by the low turnout, high invalid votes, a high threshold that prevents small parties from gaining seats in the parliament while the negative outcome of PR which is a fragmented government seems to be present in both cases. In the case of Jordan, the resentment of the SNTV system pushed many parties to ask for a reform debate with Islamic Front Action (IFA), an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, asking for PR system and other parties asking for a mixed system. My thesis will analyse the abnormalities of the three systems that generated much discussion about the ineffectiveness of the voting system and the need to reform it. According to Andrew Reynolds , Ben Reilly and Andrew Ellis, the electoral system is the easiest political institution to be manipulated and the choice of the electoral system determines the winners. However, the usual distinction between Plurality and Proportional systems as the former encourages two party systems while the other induces multi-parties is not always accurate as many examples contradict these findings such as Spain, Namibia, South Africa and India.  [15]  This has to do with many variables besides the electoral system used such as the socio-political context of the country. Therefore, The electoral system cannot be seen in isolation of other political institutions such as the constitution, the political parties among other socio political variables, thus a PR system can have two different outcomes in two countries .The case of the three countries of Algeria, Morocco and Jordan have quasi-similar political context so the outcome of particular voting system will have the same effect based on the elections results in 2003 and 2007. Theoretical Framework According to   Gallagher and Mitchell: Government is representative government, in which the people do not govern themselves directly but rather delegate the task of political decision-making to a smaller set of public officials. In democratic societies these representatives are elected.  [16]  In order to understand how governments are elected, we need to understand the system that allows them to be elected which is the voting system: The set of procedures that determine how people are elected to office. These procedures include how the ballot is structured, how people cast their votes, how those votes are counted, and how the winners are decided.  [17]  The electoral system does not only determine how people are elected to the office but also serves as a link between the voter`s preferences and the policies of the government; at least, theoretically speaking, the majority of the voters will have their opinion respected in terms of the parties and candidate they elected.  [18]   Based on these two quotations, the electoral systems are accurate examples to assess democracy, because electoral systems can tell more about the country. Reynolds, Reilly and Ellis divided the different aspects represented by electoral systems into four categories: geographic representation, which means that the different regions of the country are represented in the parliament; ideological representation, which implies that all the different political doctrines are represented in the parliament and at least the minor, ones, can compete in the elections; party-political situation which denotes that power is not in the hand of one party while excluding other parties from participating in the elections;  [19]  and descriptive representation, which entails that its different ethnic, linguistic, religious and gender components are represented; or, as Reynolds, Reilly and Ellis put it, serves as the mirror of the nation.  [20]  My thesis will include those four categories to anal yze electoral systems of the three countries based on the parliamentary elections held after 2000. On top of that, I will also use the theory of new institutionalism with the framework of Andreas Schedler which will be useful in identifying the reasons behind choosing a particular type of electoral system and targeting the areas that were manipulated. Aims of the Study My aim is to explain that it is possible to have free and fair elections but that does not mean that the country is democratic as the elections are based on the choice of the electoral system that produces fragmented government through the use of such policies as rising the threshold, gerrymandering and requiring difficult measures to pass an amendment to the electoral law. My thesis will analyze the electoral systems in MENA region by identifying three case studies: Morocco, Jordan and Algeria. My aim is to study the development of electoral systems in those three countries; the reason behind choosing those three countries has to do with their similarities. All of those countries are newly-formed democracies that gained their independence or emerged as a state in the second half of the twentieth century: Jordan in 1946, Morocco in 1956 and Algeria in 1962. All those three countries share geographic, linguistics and religious similarities. According to the findings of Freedom Houses Freedom in the World 2009 Survey, the only free country in the MENA is Israel, while only 6 countries are qualified as partly free: Morocco, Jordan, Kuwait, Bahrain, Lebanon and Yemen and the rest of the MENA is classified as not free. Another index that ranks countries in terms of their democracy is the Economist Index of Democracy which ranked Jordan, Morocco and Algeria a s authoritarian regimes. Based on these indexes, I chose two monarchies: Morocco and Jordan and adding one republic: Algeria. On top of that, while Morocco and Jordan share the same political regime, Morocco and Jordan share the same voting system. I want to prove that the lack of democracy in MENA is not due to cultural, religious or colonial history but rather to the manipulation of the electoral system to prevent a certain group from gaining majority, this manipulation is driven by the fear from the rise of the opposition such as the leftist and Islamist parties. My hypothesis is that the lack of democracy is not only due to the falsification of the election results but also by the manipulation of electoral systems. Therefore, even if the elections are organized in a free and fair environment with the presence of international observers, the electoral system used will prevent a group from attaining a majority. This hypothesis will back up my second hypothesis regarding the concentration of the pro-regime parties-vote in rural areas. The second aim of my thesis is to find the rationale behind the selection of a particular election mode by those three countries and the reasons behind its change, in addition to analyzing the di fferent amendments passed to the electoral system and reforms that are pressed for? Finally, my thesis will compare between the three countries to find if there are similarities in terms laws that fragment or exclude the opposition, the geographical concentration of the vote, the election results in terms of winners and losers, the turnout, the categorization of parties. The electoral system used in both Morocco and Algeria is PR (Proportional representation) while the SNTV is used in Jordan. The chart below identifies the different components of the electoral system of each country: Morocco Jordan Algeria Electoral System Plurality PR in 1997 Block Vote inherited from Britain SNTV in 1993 by a royal decree Absolute Majority Run-off in 1999 PR in 1997 Threshold 2% in 2002 6% in 2007 N/A 7% in 1997 5% in 2007 Quotas 10% women: 30 seats 6 seats for women, 9 for Christians, and 3 for the Circassian and Chechen minorities. Turnout (Latest Legislative Election) 2007 election 37% 2007 election 54% -80% in rural areas and 28% in some constituencies in the capital 2007 election 35% Invalid vote and blank vote 2007 election 19% 2007 election 15% Parliamentary System Bicameral: -The Chamber of Counselors: 270 seats. -The Chamber of Representatives: 325 seats. Bicameral: -The Assembly of Senators: 55 seats -The Chamber of Deputies: 80 seats Bicameral: -The Council of the nation: 144 members, 96 members elected by communal councils and 48 members appointed by the president. -The National Peoples Assembly: 380 seats. Political System Monarchy Monarchy Republic System of Counting the Votes Largest Remainder N/A Hare Formula Electoral Districts 2007: 95 2007: 45 districts -3 closed tribal electoral districts. 2010: 45 districts divided into 108 sub-districts 1997: 56 electoral districts : 48 and 8 for the Algerian Diaspora District magnitude Between 1 and 5 1 Ballot structure Nominal/categorical Nominal/categorical Reforms of the electoral law -2009: law number 9: from 110 to 120 Addition of sub-districts Constitution -1962 -1970 -1972 -1980: article 21, 43 and 95 -1992: increasing the seats of the parliament from 306 to 333 -1996: bicameral systems, 162 seats for the upper house indirectly elected, 81 by chambers of commerce and 27 by trade unions The 325 for the lower house directly elected. -1952 -1963: single party system -1976: socialism -1986: free market reforms -1989: multi party system -1996: banning parties formed under religious, regional or linguistic crtieria -12 November 2008: article 74 amendment and giving more rights to women Political parties categorization -Pro-palace: RNI, MP and UC -Conservative: PI -Leftist: USFP and PPS -Islamist: PJD -right: -Leftist: JCP -Islamist: IAF and MCP Pro-regime: FLN and NRD -Right: FNA -Leftist: PT and FFS -Islamist: MSP and MRI Voting Day Friday Tuesday Thursday Voting list closed N/A Closed Electoral reform asked for -Rising the threshold -changing the highest remainder formula -two systems: plurality in rural areas and PR in urban areas -PR -Mixed system: 2 votes one for the district and one for the bloc Number of independents -2002 -2007 -2003 -2007 -2010 -2002 -2010 Women representation in the lower house -34/10.5% (2007) -13/ 10.8% (2010) -30/ 7.7% (2007) By-elections The DesignMethods and Procedures   -Analyze the recent legislative election results of Morocco, Jordan and Algeria in 2002 and 2007. -Identify electoral systems as the independent variable while the outcomes are the dependent variables in addition to using correlation analysis to see if there is a relationship between those two variables. This will be helpful in testing the theory that PR systems produce fragmented governments and plurality systems produce strong governments. -Since my data is mostly qualitative, I will use nominal level of measurement. -do a simulation of the three recent elections using different electoral systems -count the wasted vote Hypotheses Voting systems are manipulated to produce fragmented government Votes supporting pro-regime parties are geographically concentrated in rural areas in contrast to the opposition which is based in urban areas Research Questions What are the differences and similarities between the electoral systems of Morocco, Jordan and Algeria? How representative are electoral systems in MENA? Is there a relationship between government type and electoral system? Is there a relationship between the electoral system and the turnout? Is there a relationship between the electoral system and the number of parties? Can we make some conclusions based on the case studies and apply them to all Arab countries? What is the electoral system that best suits the region of MENA? How is the dilemma of Strong and Well-represented government dealt with? Why is the lower turnout and invalid vote prominent in urban areas in contrast with rural areas? Partition of Thesis My thesis will be divided into five chapters; the first one will be about an introduction about the electoral systems and their importance in sustaining democracy. The second chapter will be devoted to the electoral systems in Morocco and the analysis of its recent legislative election in 2007. The third chapter will include the analysis of Jordans electoral system and its recent legislative election in 2007 and 2010. The fourth chapter is devoted to the electoral system in Algeria and its recent 2007 legislative election. The fifth chapter will serve to connect the three case studies by comparing their similarities and differences and making some concluding statements on the relationship between the type of electoral system, government type and democracy. Data Collection Primary Data Sources: The constitution, electoral law and the amendments passed in the three countries. The Moroccan and Algerian 2007 legislative election results and the Jordanian 2007 and 2010 legislative election results Geographical maps of the elections results Secondary Data Sources Interviews with some political parties in Morocco -analysis of interviews conducted with politi

Friday, January 17, 2020


The U.S. Constitution, the supreme law of the land, has been one of the oldest Constitution in the world.   It is also regarded as one of the most stable because up to date there are only twenty-seven amendments done.   Of these twenty-seven, ten were ratified simultaneously while the others were ratified on different dates.   For more than two centuries, only these changes were made.   One reason for this is the rigid procedure of amendments.   The framers of the Constitution saw it fit that it would be better to have a strict and stiff procedure to amend the Constitution so that it will not be used as a tool for politics but rather a guide to a more civilized society. Due to the strict procedure of amendments, certain provisions in the Constitution constitute an impediment especially to those who aspire on becoming the President of the United States.   Article II provides for the qualification those eligible to run for presidency.   It provides that only natural born citizens are eligible for the presidency.   Due to this provision, many aspiring individuals who are qualified educationally, physically, emotionally are being barred to run for the main reason that they are not natural born citizens of the United States of America. As such, the natural born clause constitutes as an undue discrimination to citizens who seeks and aspire to be President of the United States of America.   There are some moves that seek to amend the discriminatory provision but such actions prove to be futile due to the strict procedure of amendment.   The natural born clause amounts to a discrimination among the citizens of the country.   This provision should then be amended to accommodate a wide variety of aspirants who are equipped with adequate knowledge and experience to run the government. The United States of America is undeniably composed of citizens from different culture, race, and ethnicity.   It has a diverse range of people.   From private institutions to government offices, there are different kinds of people that one would encounter.   There is no distinct race in a particular working environment.   Politics did not escape this diversity.   Different personalities hold even critical positions in government.   Although different in race or culture, this does not impair the effective and efficient discharge of their duties.   It does not constitute as a hindrance to interact with other people. Whether natural born citizen or not is beyond the issue.   Due to this, the natural born clause should not discriminate others.   As written in an article by John Dean, he mentioned that â€Å"The â€Å"natural born† clause is an inappropriate boundary on a nation built by immigrants, a purposeless limit on the American dream†.   He also added that the natural born clause is totally unnecessary and constitute â€Å"political wastage†. The Constitution should then be amended to realize the principle of political equality. Until the provision on natural born clause is amended, discrimination against non-natural born citizens will continue.   Political equality is one of the best ways to minimize, if not eradicate discrimination.   It could also be used as a tool to unite the differences among races and cultures.   It is a good indication that neither of the races and cultures are superior to the others. In drafting the Constitution, the framers thought that it would be better for them that the leader that will govern should be a bona fide American, meaning a person who is not only a citizen but should also be natural born.   This is to ensure his or her loyalty to the country and not just being an instrument by a foreign country.   They also do not want any foreign influence on the politics. This is what the framers of the Constitution had in mind when they drafted the provision.   However, they are not really aware about the bigger picture.   Ever since, the history of the United States cannot be separated with foreign elements.   The drafting of the Constitution is even influenced by European ideas and beliefs.   This disproves the mindset of the framers of the Constitution.   We cannot, however, blame them for that idea.   It is the nature of man to preserve the power within the race and culture.   Nevertheless, this creates certain drawbacks especially nowadays when most of the citizens are not natural born. Another point why the framers put the natural born clause is for the reason to prevent corruption from foreign government.   At first glance, it might seem to be a good point.   However, if we take a look into a deeper analysis, corruption from foreign government play a minor role.   Corruption in the government by foreign government cannot be dissolve, it can only be minimized.   This is the nature of politics.   Different elements come into play and one of which is influence by foreign elements.   As such, the natural born clause only seeks to minimize, if not eliminate the influence by foreign governments. Considering the abovementioned points, it is submitted that the Constitution, especially the natural born clause, be amended so as to allow other aspiring citizens to become the President of the United States of America.   As long as the aspirant possesses the other qualifications, there should be no other hindrance as to his candidacy in which he does not have any control.   As posited by Jefferson Morley, â€Å"eliminating the natural-born clause might expand the presidential talent pool and improve the contest. It would almost certainly foster a more ethnically diverse field of contenders†. Gathering from that line, it would create more choices to the voters on whom they would want to govern them.   It would also create a more competitive playing field among politicians to show that they truly deserve to be the President.   Being a citizen is a choice, but the place of birth cannot be chosen.   So to eradicate the political inequality, the Constitution should be amended to allow non-natural born citizens a chance to seek candidacy.   As mentioned by Dean, â€Å"[t]hese are not accidental Americans; rather, they are people who have chosen this country and its system because they love it and want to be part of it. Foreign-born Americans are often better citizens than those who take it all for granted, and they bring to the body politic the diversity that is our strength†. Works Cited Dean, John W., â€Å"The Pernicious â€Å"Natural Born† Clause of the Constitution: Why Immigrants Like Governors Schwarzenegger and Granholm Ought to be Able to Become Presidents†,, October 8, 2004, April 3, 2008. Morley, Jefferson, â€Å"Natural-Born† Killer: Abolish the idiotic constitutional clause barring immigrants from the presidency†,, February 25, 2003, April 3, 2008               

Thursday, January 9, 2020

Essay on Inherit the Wind (Scopes Trial) - 1082 Words

The play Inherit the Wind, was written by Jerome Lawrence and Robert E. Lee to inform its readers about the injustice of a law that limited the freedom of an ordinary citizen. This play is based upon actual events that happened to an individual, John Scopes, in Dayton, Tennessee during the 1920s. This famous Monkey Trial not only allowed people to begin to accept new theories about the origin of man, but also showed that they did not have to limit themselves in other areas of life. In the beginning of the play, the authors try to lead us into the topic of Darwinism versus Creationism. One instance was when the character Howard actually told Melinda Your old mans a monkey!(5) The audience also learns that the accused lawbreaker,†¦show more content†¦This format also allowed the story to be conveyed without any bias to either side. It is in this way that the authors allow each side of the case to speak their minds freely. In my opinion the themes purpose was achieved through the expression of becoming open with new ideas and leaving the play as unbiased form. The authors key style as well highlighted humour, as a comic relief. They used it as a tool to decrease the stress of the characters and the trial itself. For instance when Brady sarcastically says to Drummond is the defense showing us the latest fashion in the city of Chicago?(40), and Drummond strikes back with slapping his suspenders down to attract the attention of the court. They want laughter aroused in the courtroom. Hornbeck himself is in the play to create some cynical humor. Though it is not exactly a technique, it did capture my attention how the character who did accustom with changes and was open to all new ideas ended better than he who was faithful yet stubborn with old ideas. What I didnt like about Inherit the Wind does not show to be a historically accurate depiction of the Scopes trial. The main source for Lee and Lawrences information was the actual trial record found in Dayton, Tennessee, dating back to 1925. They did not use all of the characters or dialogue from the records, instead they elaborated on the actual people and events, also using reporters stories on the case. The authorsShow MoreRelatedEssay on Inherit the wind (Scopes trial)1041 Words   |  5 Pages The play Inherit the Wind, was written by Jerome Lawrence and Robert E. Lee to inform its readers about the injustice of a law that limited the freedom of an ordinary citizen. This play is based upon actual events that happened to an individual, John Scopes, in Dayton, Tennessee during the 1920’s. This famous â€Å"Monkey Trial† not only allowed people to begin to accept new theories about the origin of man, but also showed that they did not have to limit themselves in oth er areas of life. In the beginningRead MoreThe Film, Inherit The Wind, By The Scopes Monkey Trial1889 Words   |  8 PagesThis paper discusses how the film, Inherit The Wind, portrays the Scopes Monkey Trial. The film showed both sides of the argument fairly. It was conveying a message that a person should try to understand and respect each opinion when arguing their own side. Three evidentiary issues of the trial in the film will also be discussed. The three issues that are objected to in the film are an opinion question, hearsay, and relevance. The judge sustained all three objections, saying that they were inadmissibleRead MoreEssay on Inherit the Wind: Religion vs. Science1107 Words   |  5 Pages Inherit the Wind: Religion vs. Science nbsp; Stanley Kramers film, Inherit the Wind, examines a trial based on the 1925 Scopes trial in Dayton, Tennessee. Often referred to as The Trial of the Century (Scopes Trial Web Page), the Scopes trial illuminated the controversy between the Christian theory of creation and the more scientific theory of evolution. John Scopes, a high school biology teacher, was arrested for illegally teaching evolutionism to his class. The meaning of theRead MoreAnalysis Of Stanley Kramer s Inherit The Wind 1041 Words   |  5 Pages In Stanley Kramer’s film, â€Å"Inherit the Wind†; the movie is focused on the 1925 Scopes trial that occurred in Dayton, Tennessee. John Scopes, a substitute high school teacher at the time, was accused of violating the Butler Act which said it teaching the theory of human evolution in any state funded school was unlawful. He was arrested for going against the state law and the trial The State of Tennessee v. John Thomas Scopes was held in Dayton, Tenne ssee. The trial was started in order to attractRead MoreThemes Symbols: Inherit The Wind Essay1149 Words   |  5 Pages Themes and Symbols: Inherit the Wind As probably the best courtroom dramas of the twentieth century, Inherit the Wind is based on the famous, Scopes Monkey Trial. The play was printed virtually thirty years afterward and takes original authority in varying the true-life elements of the court case. The central conflict of the play is based on the Scopes Monkey Trial itself. Several themes are presented throughout the play, for example when Brady argues for religious values while DrummondRead MoreThe Scopes Monkey Trial And On Debating The Legality Of Teaching Evolution1037 Words   |  5 Pagesbeing debated as inappropriate to be taught in schools. Many people feel that it is important to learn about Charles Darwin’s Theory of Evolution, but at the same time there are many who refuse to learn about it. In the Scopes Monkey Trial and in the movie Inherit the Wind a trial is going on debating the legality of teaching evolution. Though there are still issues that arise with teaching evolution it is currently accept ed more than it is debated against. Evolution is a scientifically tested andRead MoreAnalysis Of Clarence Darrow And Henry Millers Inherit The Wind951 Words   |  4 Pagesset to win impossible cases. In the play Inherit the wind and the real-life Scopes Monkey Trial, Darrow and Drummond were on the impossible side. The trials were evolution against religion. Darrow and Drummond both had to represent the side of evolution in a religious-biased town. In the play Inherit the Wind, the character, Henry Drummond, parallels his real-life counterpart, Clarence Darrow, through his beliefs, his contribution to the Scopes Monkey Trial, and his career. Both Drummond and DarrowRead MoreThemes Of Inherit The Wind923 Words   |  4 PagesInherit the Wind Inherit the Wind by Jerome Lawrence and Robert Edwin Lee is a fictionalized play on the Scopes Trial, formally known as the Tennessee v. John Thomas Scopes. In July 21, 1925, a high school teacher was accused of violating the Butler Act. This act made it illegal to teach evolution in any state funded school. Although Scopes was unsure he taught evolution, he incriminated himself and was found guilty. The subject of the play reflects this event except Inherit the Wind holdsRead MoreThe, Inherit The Wind, By Jerome Lawrence And Robert E. Lee1366 Words   |  6 Pagesto vote is ratified, and social norms are challenged. Those that could adapt to the changing times would flourish in post-war America, whereas those that could not depart from the yesteryear found themselves in the mercy of time. In the play, Inherit the Wind, by Jerome Lawrence and Robert E. Lee, Matthew Brady and Clarence Drummond, two famous attorneys, go head to head in a heated litigation over the morality of t he teaching of evolution. Evolution is a contested â€Å"new† theory at the time, and teachingRead MoreFilm And Real Life Trial1990 Words   |  8 PagesOne main similarity within the film and real life trial is the conception that this trial would be so incredibly world-renowned that it would, â€Å"put the town on the map of this country†.1 Thousands of visitors arriving to view the trial of a century denotes a boost in the economy because with an increase of people, young and old, they require a place to stay and food to eat. The Scopes Trial was no doubt a publicity stunt to stimulate Dayton’s economy. Rappleyea especially knew this would attract

Wednesday, January 1, 2020

Define Parameters in Computer Programming

Parameters identify values that are passed into a function. For example, a function to add three numbers might have three parameters. A function has a name, and it can be called from other points of a program. When that happens, the information passed is called an argument. Modern programming languages typically allow functions to have several parameters. Function Parameters Each function parameter has a type followed by an identifier, and  each  parameter is separated from the next parameter by a comma. The parameters pass arguments to the function. When a program calls a function, all the parameters are variables. The value of each of the resulting arguments is copied into its matching parameter in a process call pass by value. The program uses parameters and returned values to create functions that take data as input, make a calculation with it and return the value to the caller. The Difference Between Functions and Arguments The terms parameter and argument are sometimes used interchangeably. However, parameter refers to the type and identifier, and arguments are the values passed to the function. In the following C example,  int a  and  int b  are parameters, while  5  and  3  are the arguments passed to the function. int addition (int a, int b){   int r;   rab;   return r;} int main (){   int z;   z addition (5,3);   cout The result is z;} Value of Using Parameters Parameters allow a function to perform tasks without knowing the specific input values ahead of time.Parameters are indispensable components of functions, which programmers use to divide their code into logical blocks.